The three-tier Senate poll has emerged as one of the most intricate and problem-laden races in recent memory, drawing a slew of complaints against both the candidates and the Election Commission (EC). The election, which spanned different days and progressively transitioned from district to provincial and national rounds, was mired in controversy from the get-go. Analysts had long predicted this chaos, and they were not disappointed. The country’s inaugural experiment with intra- and inter-professional group Senate polls exposed numerous technical loopholes, careless mistakes, and rampant abuses.
Political affiliation stood as one of the core issues driving the wave of complaints lodged with the EC. The notion of political parties covertly lobbying and maneuvering to secure upper House seats was no mere speculation. In reality, many candidates, whether victorious or not, had affiliations with political parties or groups. Post-election reports indicated that numerous winners could not genuinely claim independence as required by law. Indeed, media outlets even developed color-coded diagrams to illustrate the political closeness of the winners—blue representing a coalition party dominating the lower Northeast, red for another significant coalition party, and orange for an allegedly progressive party tethered to a like-minded movement.
Ultimately, the majority of the 200 Senate seats were painted blue, followed by an almost equal split between the red and orange factions. The blue camp claimed around 150 seats, while the red and orange camps secured roughly 20 seats each. On a notable Tuesday, Mongkol Surasajja, a former Buri Ram governor, was elected as the new Senate speaker, marking a significant victory for Bhumjaithai’s stronghold.
Despite escalating complaints from both outsiders and candidates, the EC stood firm on its conventional strategy: endorse the winners first and disqualify them later if they were found to have broken the law. This approach drew criticism for potentially creating a legislative stalemate, preventing the new Senate from seamlessly taking over from its predecessors, who were selected under the influence of the National Council for Peace and Order, a legacy body from the coup-maker era.
On July 10, the EC certified 200 senators-elect and 100 substitutes, but one senator-elect, Kohdeeyoh Songngam, was swiftly disqualified for having ties as an advisor to the chairman of the Ang Thong provincial administrative organization. Critics, including incumbent senators, warned that hastily endorsing winners before resolving complaints could nullify the election results, necessitating another round of elections and extending the tenure of the previously appointed senators.
Amid this turbulent backdrop, some new senators who identified as independent and pro-democracy criticized the perceived political affiliations of their fellow election winners. Political analyst Nuttaa “Bow” Mahattana urged caution, asserting that such criticisms should be taken lightly. She pointed to the alleged hypocrisy of some within the orange camp, who had actively mobilized support and conducted systematic lobbying only to later decry the election results as unjust after unofficial results revealed their loss.
Ms. Nuttaa revealed that the orange bloc used a Line chatroom to communicate with about 400 Senate candidates, issuing instructions on strategic voting to maximize their chances. However, on the final voting day, ideological splits led to their diminished success, turning their lobbying efforts into a “comical” failure.
In a twist of political sagas, Wan Ubumrung, a former Pheu Thai Party MP for Bangkok, found a new home in the Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP). After a 17-year stint, Wan’s departure from Pheu Thai came on the heels of internal disagreements. He subsequently joined the PPRP, where he received a warm reception from Gen Prawit Wongsuwon, the party leader. Wan’s defection raised questions about his electoral prospects and Gen Prawit’s motives. Analysts speculated that Wan’s recruitment demonstrated Gen Prawit’s enduring influence within the PPRP amid perceptions that Capt Thamanat Prompow was gaining control.
Gen Prawit flatly denied any suggestion that the PPRP would become a branch of Pheu Thai in the next election, despite speculation. Yet, with the growing popularity of the main opposition Move Forward Party (MFP) in Bangkok, observers remain skeptical about Wan’s chances. Nonetheless, his candidacy is seen as bolstering PPRP’s position against the formidable MFP.
As the political landscape continues to shift, alliances and strategies evolve, signaling a dynamic and unpredictable road to the next election. Parties may need to unite to counter the burgeoning influence of the MFP, with some analysts predicting strategic withdrawal in specific constituencies to consolidate votes. Wan’s move to the PPRP thus underscores a carefully crafted strategy to fortify the party’s standing ahead of the next electoral battle.
The level of corruption in this Senate election is downright appalling. When will the Election Commission take real steps to ensure a fair process?
I agree, John. It’s shocking how deeply entrenched political parties are in these processes. This undermines any sense of democracy.
Complaining is one thing, but at least provide some solutions. What would you do differently? The EC is stuck between a rock and hard place.
ThaiPolitics2022, for starters, the EC could actually investigate complaints before certifying winners. That would be a step in the right direction.
It’s hilarious to see people shocked about political affiliations. What did you expect in Thai politics? It’s always been like this.
That’s such a defeatist attitude, Michael! We should expect more and push for change, not just accept corruption as the norm.
Emily, it’s not defeatism, it’s realism. Change doesn’t come from idealism alone; it requires pragmatic steps that work within the existing system.
Wow, the joke of a ‘comical failure’ by the orange bloc really shows their incompetence, doesn’t it?
It’s more complex than incompetence. They faced ideological splits which are difficult to manage in such a fragmented political landscape.
Maybe, but if they can’t unite, how can they expect to govern effectively? It’s just setting themselves up for failure.
Isn’t it interesting how quickly Wan Ubumrung switched parties? Makes you wonder about his true motivations.
Everyone has their price. It’s all about personal gain in politics. Integrity is just a facade for most politicians.
So the EC certified 200 senators-elect but already had to disqualify one. That alone speaks volumes about the mess this election is.
It’s a manufactured chaos to keep the status quo. Nothing more, nothing less.
The color coding of political affiliations was a brilliant idea by the media. It’s time we had such transparency in all elections.
But certifying winners first and then disqualifying them? Such a backwards process. The EC needs a complete overhaul.
Nuttaa Mahattana’s point on hypocrisy is spot on. Both sides are equally manipulative; they just cry foul when they lose.
Exactly, Joe! It’s amusing to see them pretend to be morally superior when they’re all playing the same dirty game.
The internal disagreements in Pheu Thai leading to Wan’s switch might signal deeper issues in the party. Will they hold it together?
It’s more likely they’ll fragment before the next election, leading to even more chaos and uncertainty.
This just proves that Thailand’s political system needs major reforms. We can’t continue down this path of corruption and incompetence.
Mongkol Surasajja’s election as Senate speaker is a clear win for Bhumjaithai. They know how to play the game.
Wouldn’t call it ‘playing the game,’ more like gaming the system. There’s a difference.
Gen Prawit’s denial that PPRP would become a branch of Pheu Thai is laughable. Politicians always say one thing and do another.
Moves like Wan’s switch to PPRP show just how fluid party lines are in Thai politics. Allegiances change quickly based on power.
It’s fascinating how the political landscape is so dynamic yet so consistently corrupt! Something’s gotta give eventually.
I think it will take a massive public mobilization to break the current cycle. People are growing increasingly frustrated.
Why aren’t more Thai voters demanding better accountability from their leaders? It’s absurd how much they let slide.
And where’s the focus on real issues, like climate change, amidst all this political chaos? Ignorance at its finest.
EcoWarrior, totally agree! Political maneuvering overshadows serious issues threatening our future. Priorities need a shift.